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Editors: F. Pasapera & A. Mehmood & K. Bannah To be noted: This piece was produced by a student-led team.  We are HS and pre-university students who have a keen interest in global affairs. While we are not professional analysts, our work is grounded in careful research, critical questioning, and collective insight. We don’t claim to have all the answers, but we aim to ask necessary questions and invite our peers across different backgrounds into deeper thinking. We welcome constructive feedback via email! Editor’s note: For our July piece, our global member body voted to cover Ukraine as well as trace the broader spider web of challenges intertwining with peace efforts across regions like the Democratic Republic of Congo, and beyond. Instead of a standalone piece, this will now form part of a new series called ‘The Elusive Way’. This explores how peace has been interpreted and failed across the globe. Alongside our ongoing Rights & Minds series ‘on Women’s Rights of Yesterday and Today’, we now have two active mini-series. The series will be published every two months to allow space for deeper reflection and editing. translation/ tafsir/ traducciones /ترجمة /תרגומים/ការបកប្រែ /তরজমা /अनुवाद... Available options: Peace is often mistaken for tranquility in the streets, for the absence of gunfire, and a handshake captured on camera. But in reality, peace is much harder to achieve. It is not only the end of violence, but the prevention of its return. It is not a ceasefire, but a system strong enough to withstand the next crisis. And perhaps most of all, peace requires a shared vision for the future, something Ukraine historically never had. Photo by   Daniele Franchi  on   Unsplash To understand the Ukraine-Russia conflict, we must look beyond 2022 and the ongoing invasion. Let it be stated plainly: Russia’s full-scale invasion that year, and its earlier acts of aggression, are obvious violations of international law. There is no other way to frame it. From breaching multilateral agreements to violating long-standing memorandums, and from occupation to carrying out massacres, Russia is to be held responsible. However, Russia did not create the cracks in Ukraine; it rather exploited vulnerabilities that had long existed. These vulnerabilities emerged after Ukraine gained independence from the Soviet Union. Coming out of decades of centralized rule, Ukraine inherited a fractured political system, a struggling economy, and institutions unprepared for democratic governance. Despite efforts to build a stable state, Ukraine’s progress was hindered by lingering Soviet-era legacies, including leaders who still held on to outdated ways of thinking. Such internal deficiencies complicated peacebuilding efforts and left the country open to external manipulation. Click : Relevant Timeline of Ukraine’s Internal Challenges 1991- Ukraine Gained Independence  After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine declared independence.  Along with its new sovereignty, Ukraine inherited a large Russian-speaking population and Soviet-era institutions, including deep-rooted corruption and oligarchic influence . Of these latter two, it was corruption that would later pull Ukraine deeper into internal crises. 1994 - Budapest Memorandum Ukraine gave up its nuclear weapons in exchange for security guarantees from Russia, the United States, and the United Kingdom.  This agreement, known as the Budapest Memorandum and registered with the United Nations Secretariat,  included a clear commitment from Russia to respect Ukraine’s territorial integrity and borders.  2004 - Orange Revolution A democratic movement in 2004 sparked mass protests over election fraud. This nationwide uprising, known as the Orange Revolution, led to a re-run of the presidential election between a pro-Russian candidate and a pro-Western one, ultimately resulting in the victory of Viktor Yushchenko  (pro-West).  Ukraine began turning more toward the West, which increased tensions with Russia . While this shift towards Europe held long-term promise, such as reducing corruption and decentralizing power, it also revealed just how deep the country’s political divisions and corruption truly were. 2010 – Pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych Elected In the years that followed, Ukraine shifted back toward Russia, which led to renewed internal tensions i.e., public trust in the democratic process began to weaken.  President Viktor Yanukovych, who came to power promising political stability and economic growth, reversed many anti-corruption reforms and steadily centralized authority . During his presidency, he reinstated a strong semi-presidential system, disregarding the previous democratic gains. 2013–2014 – Euromaidan Revolution A nationwide protest against the regime of President Yanukovych and its deep corruption in Ukraine’s political system.  On 21 November 2013,  Yanukovych abruptly suspended trade and association talks with the European Union, choosing instead to revive economic ties with Russia. This decision triggered mass protests in Kyiv, which caused public outrage over the government's rejection of the EU agreement. This revolution united Ukrainians to demand an end to corruption, authoritarianism, and the return of democratic values.  2014 – Crimea Annexation & Donbas War In early 2014, Russia violated the Budapest Memorandum, which guaranteed Ukraine’s territorial integrity, by annexing Crimea. However, this violation was not a single blunt act. The annexation unfolded through a series of calculated steps: 27 February 2014: Seizure of Crimea Begins  Just days after President Yanukovych fled during the Euromaidan Revolution, Russian special forces seized government buildings in Crimea and raised the Russian flag. This was the beginning of Russia’s military operation in the region. 1 March 2014: Russian Parliament Approves Military Force  President Vladimir Putin requested and received authorization from the Russian parliament to use military force in Ukraine, citing the need to protect Russian-speaking citizens. 16 March 2014: Crimea Referendum  A controversial referendum was held in Crimea under Russian occupation. While many pro-Russian Ukrainians claimed overwhelming support for joining the Russian Federation, the vote was widely regarded as illegitimate. 21 March 2014: Formal Annexation of Crimea  President Putin signed a law formally annexing Crimea into the Russian Federation. More detailed key events can be found here: https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/CBP-9476/CBP-9476.pdf 2014–2015 – Minsk I & II Agreements The main objectives of the Minsk agreements were to establish a ceasefire and provide a roadmap for resolving the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. However, both frameworks were dense and flawed by design, i.e., vague timelines and a lack of enforceable mechanisms . Ceasefires were repeatedly broken, and neither side fully respected their terms. While Minsk II  offered a more detailed framework than its predecessor, it still lacked enforcement, clarity, and genuine commitment from the involved parties. 2016–2019 - Peace talks stall  & Zelensky elected  Zelensky promised peace during his campaign, but did not deliver breakthroughs. Internally, public opposition wanted to grant autonomy to Russian-backed regions, a key demand in the Minsk agreements . February 2022 – Full-Scale Russian Invasion 2022–present – Ongoing War, Failed Peace Talks Civilian deaths rose . Russia held elections in occupied territories to fabricate legitimacy. Meanwhile, internal challenges grew, including war fatigue, economic pressure, and urgent rebuilding needs. Disclaimer: The timeline above offers a brief overview of Ukraine’s internal challenges. While the article does not reference each event directly, this chronology is provided to give readers essential context on the country’s political history and governance struggles. Readers are encouraged to explore further for a fuller understanding of the ongoing conflict. Over the past few years, Ukrainian voices have faded into the background noise of global discourse, but this wasn’t the case in early 2022. When Russia launched its full-scale invasion in Ukraine, the world was captivated. War in Europe. Ukraine sat on a golden pedestal of global attention. From Monday to Sunday, the headlines were relentless. The images (though devastating) flooded our screens and clung to bus stops and newsstands: cities bombed, families torn apart, and civilians under the rubble.  Ukrainians and foreign volunteers alike armed themselves in desperation. The international response was instant: condemnation, sanctions, weapons. Three years on, a quiet fatigue has set in. Military aid is delayed, and peace talks are vague. The phrase “We must support Ukraine” has become a toneless chant, stripped out of urgency. What changed? Where did the momentum go? Was Ukraine ever truly at peace, or was the world simply mistaking the absence of war for stability? And if peace is more than just silence between gunshots, what conditions must be met for it to last? But before we answer those, we must lay the foundation of  ‘ What is peace?’ ‘Peace’ is a simple word, yet filled with complexity. Dictionaries define peace as "freedom from disturbance" and "everything coexisting in perfect harmony” . While true, peace also requires addressing underlying social factors like terror, corruption, and weak internal governance in order to pave the path to that definition.  A nation with high levels of these issues cannot be considered peaceful, even in the absence of war. Regardless of the lack of definition, it is crucial to interpret peace as maintaining conditions that "do not produce wars in the first place, or—as some forms of peace have failed previously—not repeating the same failures" (Wallensteen, 2015: 6-7). Therefore, by using Wallensteen’s statement as an insight base for this series, peace must assimilate from previous failures. Yet again, across the globe, nations continue to fall into the same cycles of systemic issues: fragile ceasefires in Palestine, resource exploitation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and  fractured governance in Eastern-Europe . For the latter sentence, Ukraine's past is a salient example of how fractured governance  can lead to substantial problems.  Victory as Camouflage for Conquest To further open, although Ukraine gained independence in 1991, it remained vulnerable to outdated forces, especially Soviet-era influences that continued to shape future discourse. So, even after the collapse of the Soviet Union , Ukraine was not just dealing with corruption or weak governance . It was navigating  a fractured national identity . One half looked westward toward Europe , while the other half, particularly in eastern regions like Donbas and Crimea, looked east toward Russia, due to a shared language, historical ties, and a sense of post-Soviet familiarity.  These weren’t just political differences. They were cultural, historical, and even existential differences in the way life was understood and lived. What did it mean to be Ukrainian? What future was the nation building? These unanswered questions made Ukraine deeply vulnerable not just to war, but to manipulation. In Donbas, for instance, some  Ukrainians felt neglected by the central government.  Russia capitalized on this by stoking separatist sentiment , exploiting years of institutional inaction and political neglect. Previous governments had either ignored eastern frustration or suppressed it,  hoping national unity would be imposed by force rather than dialogue. This fragmentation hindered Ukraine’s ability to present a unified front in peace negotiations. While this lack of national cohesion in no way justifies the invasion, it did provide Russia with a pretext for future actions. In Crimea, the presence of a large Russian-speaking population with historical ties to Russia was used by Moscow  to justify its intervention under the guise of “protecting Russian speakers.” However, this justification was widely viewed as a reason for territorial expansion. What began as a land grab later led to occupation, which then turned into stalled negotiations that never truly progressed. This fragmentation isn’t unique to Ukraine. Across other regions, breakdowns in governance and national identity have left countries exposed to external powers. A parallel akin to Ukraine can be drawn with Palestine and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Historical Parallels with Palestine In the  early years of occupation, Palestinians, too, lacked a unified and institutional body to represent their interests. This absence was particularly evident during the late Ottoman period and under the British Mandate (1917–1948), when Zionist immigration increased and Jewish institutions such as the Jewish Agency were highly organized and politically active. British authorities often favored these well-structured Zionist institutions in political and administrative matters. Following the Ottoman Empire’s collapse and the Sykes-Picot Agreement, the League of Nations divided the region into the British and French mandates.  Palestinians were left with significantly less autonomy than their counterparts in Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon ( countries where nationalist movements gained institutional strength ). This is not to suggest that Palestinians lacked identity or resistance. On the contrary, those efforts existed but were often fragmented and actively suppressed by colonial policies.   What ought to be highlighted from this is that, the absence of a unified political body during critical periods had long-term consequences for Palestinian national aspirations, much like how the early neglect of Russian speakers in Donbas and Crimea enabled external manipulation in Ukraine. Achieving Peace as a Shared Struggle What Ukraine’s history reveals is not just a lack of peace, but the illusion of it. Prior to 2022, many considered Ukraine as “peaceful”, simply because the violence had not yet erupted.  But beneath the surface, internal displeasure, regional divides, and the absence of a shared national vision had already fractured the state. Peace existed on paper, but not in the lived experiences of its people. This is the illusion: mistaking the absence of immediate war and gunfire for the presence of justice, inclusion, and stability. As the UN Secretary-General António Guterres warned in 2018, “Peace remains elusive, because we fail to act boldly in the face of worsening inequality,[...] and disillusionment with governance.” From Ukraine to Palestine, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and beyond, peace remains an elusive goal, not simply because of internal challenges such as corruption or human rights abuses, but because  global standards for peace are often set dangerously low.  Even when nations take sincere steps, like: reducing corruption, prioritizing human rights, and improving one's living standards beyond what is expected of them, they remain vulnerable to external forces capable of undoing that progress in a matter of weeks. A salient example of this type of intervention is Belgium’s  involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Belgian army intervened twice  to support Mobutu’s regime in suppressing Lumumbist resistance. Just months later, Congo’s first democratically elected Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, was brutally murdered. According to extensive research by Belgian sociologist Ludo De Witte, detailed in his 2003 book The Assassination of Lumumba , Belgian officers played a direct role in his execution. His body was reportedly sawed and dissolved in sulfuric acid in a remote forest . Whether such under-the-table interventions still take place today remains unclear, but one thing is certain: they rarely end on a quiet Monday night. As we conclude the opening series of The Elusive Way, which aims to showcase and lay the foundation for understanding the global web of challenges to achieving peace, we want to remind our readers that this is only the beginning. In the months ahead, we will revisit regions such as Palestine and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), among others, to explore how focus on peace needs to shift. Rather than pinpointing the problems on the surface, we must re-direct our focus to the root causes. Message from Rights and Minds:  As part of this article, we reached out to members within Rights and Minds and beyond who either still reside in Ukraine or have migrated due to the ongoing conflict. We asked them: What do you hope for in the future? Olenka , one of our members currently living in Ukraine, told us: “Even if we find a way to move on from this war, there will be other obstacles that weigh us down.”  And then, jokingly, added: “But I’m confident [those] won’t kill us.” Anastasiia , a university student of international relations currently residing in Poland, shared: “I want people to know that our identity isn’t defined solely by conflict; we’re musicians, artists, students, friends… ordinary people placed into extraordinary circumstances.” How You Can Help Ukrainians: Major humanitarian organizations  providing direct aid include: International Rescue Committee (IRC)  offers critical assistance to displaced families. Ukrainian Red Cross Society  delivers medical and humanitarian support within Ukraine. UNICEF protects and supports children affected by the conflict. World Central Kitchen  serves meals to refugees and frontline communities. Doctors Without Borders (MSF)  provides emergency medical care.

In the ten minutes it may take you to read this article, another life will be in danger. Editors: F. Pasapera & K. Bannah To Be Noted    This piece was produced by a student-led team.  We are HS and pre-university students who have a keen interest in global affairs. While we are not professional analysts, our work is grounded in careful research, critical questioning, and collective insight. We don’t claim to have all the answers, but we aim to ask necessary questions and invite our peers across different backgrounds into deeper thinking. We welcome constructive feedback via email! Editor’s Note: Welcome to the third article in our mini-series, ‘ Women’s Rights of Yesterday and Today’ . This series, coined by Amina, explores the global rights of women, from how they dress to how control over their bodies is often placed in the hands of others, and the ongoing struggle for safety and freedom.  translation/ tafsir/ traducciones /ترجمة /תרגומים/ការបកប្រែ /তরজমা /अनुवाद.. (Soon) Gender-based violence and femicide are not abstract concepts confined to statistics or the pages of human rights reports; they are lived realities that claim lives daily across the globe. While this article focuses on South Africa, where the scale of the crisis is among the worst globally, its roots and patterns are similar across borders. Different countries may record different numbers, but the underlying causes: inequality, institutional failure, and a culture of impunity are nearly identical. This is not only a South African tragedy; it is a global epidemic sustained by silence. Photo via The News Agency, modified by Rights and Minds. Before a crisis can be confronted, it must be clearly named. In South Africa, the dilemma is gender-based violence (GBV) and femicide (GBV-F),  both rooted in firm inequalities. GBV refers to acts that cause physical, sexual, or emotional injury  and stems from the power imbalance between men and women, as it makes some individuals feel untouchable and others disposable. While anyone can be a victim , women, girls, and LGBTQIA+ communities  are disproportionately affected. Within the spectrum of GBV,  femicide represents its most extreme and irreversible form : the intentional killing of women, which is sustained by cultural norms . In South Africa, the scale is disturbing. In the 2023/24 reporting period alone, women were raped every 12 minutes.  This mockery of women’s rights is precisely why such violence thrives in a society that fails to act decisively against perpetrators. The intimacy between the victim and perpetrator makes it even more concerning. Research by the South African Medical Research Council (SAMRC) revealed that 60% of women killed in the country were murdered by someone they knew: a relative, neighbour, or intimate partner. These were not strangers lurking in shadows, but people the victims trusted. Recognising GBV-F as interconnected, systemic problems is not just about definition. It is the first and foremost step toward rallying both society and the legal system to end them. Tracing the Past to Confront the Present South Africa’s high rate of GBV-F is not a phenomenon of today. It is a reality deeply rooted in the country’s history . The legacy of colonialism and apartheid established a society built on inequality, where hierarchy and patriarchy were simultaneously integrated into social norms and into the very structures that society is built on, making them part of the "pillars" that support and maintain the system e.g., legal, cultural, economic, and political . These structures granted men authority over almost every aspect of women’s lives, creating patterns of power and control that have endured into the present . Such imbalance of power laid the foundation for GBV, creating conditions in which it thrives in countless ways : some loud and brutal, others silent and insidious. These forms of violence are not separate; rather, they intersect, reinforce one another, and collectively create an environment in which fear and trauma become woven into women’s daily lives. Thus, it is imperative for everyone to recognize these different forms of violence because, no matter how normalized they may appear in certain communities, each is unlawful and a violation of basic human dignity. While many forces sustain GBV, we will focus on two: external pressure and economic vulnerability. One of the distinct external pressures is   shame culture .  Within that system, a person’s worth is tied to their community’s perception of their behavior. Honor becomes self-worth derived from public approval. Violating community expectations brings shame not only on the individual but also on their entire family. Shame here is not merely about what was done to a person, but rather who they believe they are, or are not. It is the fear of exposure, of having something buried dragged into the light. This fear is followed closely when survivors who speak out are met with  disbelief or blame,  increasing the pressure to remain silent. Particularly, the ‘fear’ phenomenon is evident in cases of sexual violence, (a brutal form of GBV). It includes sexual assault, rape,  and statutory rape , which refers to sexual activity with someone below  the legal age of consent  (even if it appears to be consensual), as well as more coercive forms e.g., corrective rape,  an abhorrent attempt to “change” someone’s sexual orientation or gender identity. Survivors are thus forced to carry the weight of violence alone, protecting family or community reputation at the expense of their own well-being.  Furthermore,  economic abuse exacerbates the cycle, particularly for those lacking financial literacy. This method undermines a person’s ability to sustain themselves independently by tying their survival to the perpetrator’s control. It can include seizing a partner’s income, restricting access to education or employment, or forcing disadvantageous financial decisions. Even from these mere examples alone, it is evident that survivors are let down on multiple fronts: by a system that neglects to protect them, by the very communities that should support them, by the damage done to their mental well-being, and, by the last resort of escape - financial independence. So, while history explains how GBV-F became so deeply embedded in South African society, today’s institutional failures reveal why it continues as a vicious cycle. A Mother, a Body, and the Failure of Guardians From the past to the present, South Africa has sought to make progress in combating GBV-F. Yet the very institutions tasked with protecting survivors have often become major obstacles to justice. Cases are routinely delayed for months due to: court backlogs, police errors, and mishandled evidence being deemed inadmissible . As a result, prosecutions collapse for lack of evidence, survivors lose hope, and perpetrators grow confident that they will not face consequences.  The extent of these failures became evident in 2020, when the government pledged to reduce the backlog of GBV-related forensic cases from 16,000 to 5,000. Instead, the DNA backlog rose to 140,000 cases. While many factors contribute, the primary reason is that law enforcement officers are often undertrained and lack both the sensitivity and specialized skills needed to support survivors. Such neglect has in fact come into play . In one case, a mother named Clacy reported her daughter Gloria missing after receiving a panicked call from her. The officer on duty dismissed her fears, saying, “If your daughter is with her husband there is no problem; he will bring her in the morning .” Three days later,  Clacy was called to identify her daughter’s body, which had been murdered by the very husband the officer assumed was a source of safety. Frankly, Gloria’s story is not an anomaly. Each year, thousands of women fall victim to GBV-F, often at the hands of those they trust most. Despite the scale of the emergency, the government continues to announce  new strategies and multimillion-rand plans  to combat the violence. Yet, time and again, these initiatives fail to translate into proactive protection. Clacy’s loss, therefore exemplifies a national, and indeed global, phenomenon of violence against women made worse by institutional inaction, as the following data elucidates. In 2021, during the first year of the National Strategic Plan on GBV, the South African Police Service was committed to training 919 officers in proactive GBV interventions and 565 in reactive responses. Yet in reality, only 272 officers , representing 29.6 percent of the target, were trained in proactive measures, and just 104 officers , representing 18.4 percent of the target, were trained in reactive measures. Amnesty International summed up the situation with the blunt label: “ #BrokenPromises. ”  Neglect is precisely why survivors continue to suffer in silence. It is not that they do not ponder to seek out justice, but because they have learned, often through bitter experience, that the system meant to protect them is broken and has become a graveyard of unsolved cases. This is more evident within the policy and protection conflict detailed below. Between Privacy and Protection Privacy is a fundamental right. In South Africa, as in any democracy, ensuring that right requires legal and institutional safeguards. Section 14 of the Constitution and the  Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA) oversee how personal information is collected, processed, and stored  in South Africa. Yet, many argue that privacy is not absolute, particularly in regards to the National Register for Sex Offenders (NRSO) , which some believe should be made public in parts, to enhance public safety. Legal and privacy experts often dismiss calls for public access  as extreme, noting that the NRSO contains sensitive details and that  publishing such information could infringe offenders’ constitutional rights . Activists, survivors, and concerned citizens, however, argue that the right to safety, dignity, and freedom from violence must outweigh the privacy of those convicted. They point out that offenders’ identities are already partially visible through court records, media reports, and criminal records. The irony, they argue, is that the public can access fragmented information but not a centralized system designed precisely to prevent harm. Is such a comparison possible?  In South Africa, the law suggests that it is. Privacy can be restricted when it conflicts with other rights or public safety. Sections 32 and 36 of the Constitution provide a legal basis: Section 32 guarantees the right to access information necessary to protect one’s own rights,  while Section 36, the “Limitation Clause”, permits the restriction of rights if such limitations are “ reasonable and justifiable in a democratic society. ” The debate, then, is not about whether privacy matters, but whether it should sometimes yield to public safety. Given the ongoing crisis of GBV-F in South Africa, it has been widely described as the nation’s  “second pandemic” .  Although South Africa faces exceptionally high rates of gender-based violence, the problem is not unique to it, women worldwide continue to experience similar harms.  It is therefore essential to examine approaches from other countries that have aimed to maintain their plights. By reviewing these models, we can identify how different nations balance privacy with protection and consider which lessons may be adapted to South Africa’s unique context, rather than blindly copying them point by point. Rehabilitation, Privacy, and Public Safety Abroad To begin, consider examples from the Global North: In Japan, there is no public registry. The justice system emphasizes rehabilitation and reintegration  over public shaming. While the United Kingdom uses a middle-ground approach.  Offender details are not public,  but the Disclosure and Barring Service (DBS) allows controlled access for schools, employers, and childcare organizations. Lastly, the United States sits at the opposite end. Its approach is particularly interesting from a research perspective, as most studies on the effectiveness of sex offender registries originate there (see, e.g., 1 , 2,   3 ). Under Megan’s Law,  the U.S. provides  relevant information to the public , and any misuse, e.g., committing a crime or harassing others is subject to legal action. However, many studies still conclude that making the registry public can subject offenders (many of whom already have some of the  lowest recidivism rates among criminals ) to indirect harassment, social exclusion, and unemployment.  Ironically, all of those hinder rehabilitation and even increase the likelihood of reoffending . Critics may label the approach above as a “Western-centric comparison,” but a country facing South Africa’s death toll cannot afford to ignore lessons from elsewhere, even if the systems are ‘too’ foreign. Thus, we also examined practices from a nearby country. Kenya provides perhaps the most relevant example for South Africa. In 2023, it launched Africa’s first digital sex offender registry, accessible to judicial officers and, upon request, to the public through an e-filing system.   Because it is digitized, integrated into the justice system, and accessible (albeit through request), Kenya's registry sets a strong example of balancing transparency, functionality, and legal oversight. The central issue is not whether the registry is public or private, but whether South Africa can build a system that works reliably, grounded in the Constitution and capable of earning public trust. As it stands, South Africa’s NRSO, is deeply flawed. Although it exists, it is bureaucratic, slow, and inconsistently used.  Employers and schools sometimes bypass it altogether , allowing offenders to re-enter environments where they pose risks. In one tragic case, a seven-year-old girl, Cwecwe , was allegedly raped in her school in October 2024, an incident that highlights the human cost of systemic neglect. Inconsistencies in names, delayed entries, and outdated processes further erode trust. Data from the Justice and Constitutional Development Minister shows over 32,000 names on the NRSO, with more than 10,000 cases still pending entry.  But, critics such as Build One South Africa (BOSA) argue that even those figures underestimate the scale of the dilemma, citing police statistics of 10,688 rapes in the first three months of 2025 alone . Considering these circumstances, it is imperative that schools, hospitals, and employers must be able to access the register quickly and consistently, backed by assessments and penalties for non-compliance. At the same time, broader measures are essential: improving police effectiveness, funding nonprofit organizations that support survivors,  and investing in both prevention and rehabilitation. Because without sustained resources, even the most carefully designed registry risks becoming symbolic. What ought to be taken from this is: Privacy matters. Rehabilitation matters. But protection and dignity for victims matter too. South Africa must move beyond theoretical debates and build a system that balances those values while functioning in practice. Anything less is an abdication of constitutional duty and abandons citizens, especially women and children to ongoing cycles of violence. Message from Rights and Minds As part of our article, we asked our writer and a team member from Women for Change SA, both based in South Africa, for their perspectives on how people should approach solving the GBV-F crisis. What our writer had to say:  “BREAK THE SILENCE! GBV-F thrives in silence. Whether you’re a survivor, a witness, or simply someone who cares…speak up. Report abuse. Call out harmful behaviour, even in private spaces. Silence protects the perpetrator, not the victim.” What Women for Change SA had to say:  In South Africa, there is often a focus on appearing effective to the outside world rather than addressing citizens’ real needs, a failure that contributes to poverty, which in turn drives higher rates of GBV and crime. The problem spans multiple areas. Within the justice system, survivors are retraumatized at nearly every stage, leading many to avoid reporting altogether. Financial abuse is under-recognized, and conversations about it are rare; even judges and attorneys often lack awareness, so it is rarely factored into court proceedings.  Proposed solutions  include:  1) Public access to the National Register for Sex Offenders (NRSO), which would empower women to protect themselves, given that they are forced to assume responsibility for their own safety. Without such access, they remain vulnerable, as in the tragic case of Olorato Mongale , who was killed after going on a date without knowing her partner’s criminal history.  2) GBV should be treated as a national disaster: just as systems were mobilized quickly during the pandemic, urgent structures must be put in place to respond to the GBV-F crisis.  3) Affordable mental health support is critical, as access to therapy and psychological care is too expensive for most South Africans, leaving survivors to suffer without help.   You Can Help Donate:  Support trusted organisations that provide vital services to survivors of abuse. Your contributions fund shelters, therapy, legal aid,  and outreach.  POWA  (People Opposing Women Abuse) in South Africa.  Women For Change SA   UN women  Share and Educate: Share facts, survivors’ stories, and awareness campaigns like the 16 Days of Activism  or the UNiTE campaign  by UN Women. Get Involved:  Sign Petitions and put pressure on decision makers.  Unburied Casket Petition by Women For Change SA - Sign here. Stand with South African communities as they pursue the approach they believe will bring change: Call for public access to the National Register for Sex Offenders - Sign  here

Head Writer: Amina Mehmood Editor: Fernanda Pasapera Zegarra ** Translation to be updated soon Listen to the article from here 🎧 ‘Body autonomy’  is the fundamental right of every person to make decisions about their own body, free from external pressure, influence, or coercion. It's more than just a concept; it's about owning the power to define what happens to the individual's body and life.     Historically, the autonomy of women has been constrained by a range of factors on a global scale. Whether through legal restrictions, social conventions, or cultural expectations, the choices available to women are frequently influenced by factors outside their control. No matter how we view it, Autonomy is the cornerstone of personal freedom and dignity ! Welcome to our mini-series, Women's Rights of Yesterday and Today. This series, written by Amina, explores the global rights of women, from how they dress to how control over their bodies is often placed in the hands of others. Photo by   Gayatri Malhotra  on  Unsplash In recent years, women's efforts to gain control over their own lives are increasingly being met with resistance from governments making this a pressing issue across the globe.  Regardless of their background, women face challenges at every stage of life, often finding their rights at the center of broader societal debates. From the streets of Karnataka, India, to France, women encounter restrictions on what they can wear–today, it's a piece of clothing, but what will it be tomorrow? Is a Piece of Clothing an Enemy or a Friend? Brief Overview Of Restrictive Policies In France: 1989:  The hijab ban's cultural background can be traced to France's historical colonization of North Africa but it took off in 1989 when three girls' refusal to take off their headscarves led to a suspension from school. [1] [2] 2004: The French government banned all visible religious symbols including headscarves in all state schools arguing that the ban upholds the country’s commitment to secularism.   2011: France became the first European country to ban the full-face Islamic veil (niqab) in all public spaces. [3] 2016: A burkini ban was introduced in seaside towns but the Council of State overturned it. Despite this ruling, the debate around the burkini persisted. [4]   2022:   Grenoble's city council attempted to allow burkinis in public pools, but this was blocked by France's highest administrative court, which upheld the ban. [5]  2022: The French government passed an amendment banning the hijab in all sports competitions for French athletes. [6] 2023: France’s education minister banned Abayas - a long, loose-fitting garment in all public schools. [7]  2024: The burkini ban continues to be enforced in public pools in some areas of France, still being a focal point. The burkini ban is not an official nationwide law  in France; rather, it has been implemented by local authorities and private resorts in certain cities and regions. For many Muslim women, the hijab serves as a symbol of faith. The ban forcibly limits their ability to practice their religious beliefs freely, thereby violating their autonomy. In France, the Hijab is banned in all middle and high schools, certain private universities, and all government sectors. Public officials such as teachers, police officers, and firefighters are also not allowed to wear the hijab during work hours. Some private companies prefer not to hire hijab-wearing employees. This restricts access to education, employment, dignity, and safety. The punishment for not adhering to the bans could result in verbal and written warnings, fines, and arrests. [8] “A lot of companies still refuse to accept women wearing a hijab. At my first internship, the manager who hired me told the general director that I had a disease which made my hair fall, so that I could wear the hijab without getting any remarks about it at work.” — Lamya, a 23-year-old business student, 14 April 2021 on VICE  [9] Local French authorities also uphold the ban on burkini (a swimsuit designed for women that covers the whole body except the face, hands, and feet) in public pools. Interestingly, a burkini provides a similar level of coverage as a full-body wetsuit and swimming cap, yet it’s treated differently. Does this ban imply a biased and selective approach to human rights protections by targeting one specific minority group? [10] The ban has led to the stigmatization of Muslim women who wear the hijab, intensifying their marginalization within society. Public harassment, such as verbal abuse or physical attacks, is a prevalent reality for those Muslim women wearing hijabs or niqabs. Consequently, many of them may feel increasingly isolated within their communities. Moreover, their clothing choices are politicized and perceived as incompatible with "Western" or "secular" values, which fosters a profound sense of alienation . “There is a real infantilization of Muslim women. We live in a society where women wearing the hijab are prevented from working, from doing sports, from singing on a TV show, and from accompanying children on a school outing. All these polemics and laws that have a desire to ‘liberate’ women push these women to stay home. It is very ironic when the clichés perceive us as women who do not leave the house and do not work because of male authority when in reality it is the government that wants to erase us from society . [...] How can a government consider a 15-year-old girl mature enough for sexual consent but a 17-year-old girl not mature enough to know how she wants to dress?’’ — Taqwa Bint Ali on Vogue Arabia [12] Across Regions and Borders A similar situation has unfolded in a state at the opposite end of the world:  Karnataka, India, where a state-level ban on the hijab in all public educational institutions has ignited significant unrest. Protests and legal disputes have broken out following the prohibition, as Muslim women advocate that the law infringes upon their fundamental rights to freedom of religion and conscience . [13] "Young Muslim women are out on the streets protesting for their rights. And you're still telling me that [these] women can't think for themselves?" said 27-year-old Naq [14] In the context of rising Islamophobia, some individuals have found a way to mask their prejudices under the cover of secularism. But is this genuinely about secularism, or is it more accurately a manifestation of Islamophobia?  The ban was fueled in 2022 when some schools and colleges prohibited their hijab-wearing students from their premises. This decision soon sparked a wider discussion on religious liberty and the government’s influence over women’s decisions. Over 1000 girls dropped out of pre-university colleges in Karnataka due to the hijab ban and other interconnected reasons. In the 2022-2023 academic year, enrollment of Muslim female students in government colleges has fallen to half. [15]  “We were so close to finishing,” she said. “They could have easily just made an exception for us for those few months.” However, the women were asked to transfer to another college if they wanted to continue wearing their hijabs. “All my friends are already doing their Masters,” she said. “But I’m just stuck.’’ — 21-year-old, Gulnaaz Ali [16] While the lack of access to education worldwide can be attributed to various factors, who would have thought that a piece of clothing could be an obstacle to education for many?   This scenario exposes the deep-seated tension between personal liberty and authority . References [1] Where France's Possible New Hijab Ban Fits Into History | TIME https://time.com/6049226/france-hijab-ban/ [2] Islamic scarf controversy in France - Wikipedia https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islamic_scarf_controversy_in_France   [3] The Islamic veil across Europe - BBC News https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-13038095 [4] Burkini ban: Why is France arresting Muslim women for wearing full-body swimwear and why are people so angry? | The Independent  https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/burkini-ban-why-is-france-arresting-muslim-women-for-wearing-fullbody-swimwear-and-why-are-people-so-angry-a7207971.html [5] French burkini ban upheld as Grenoble loses legal challenge https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-61883529 [6] Why France is Banning the Hijab for Their Olympic Athletes | TIME https://time.com/7000437/france-sporting-hijab-ban-olympics/ [7] France to ban wearing abaya dress in schools: Minister  https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/8/27/france-to-ban-wearing-abaya-dress-in-schools-minister [8] The hijab ban and human rights of Muslim women in Europe https://gchumanrights.org/gc-preparedness/preparedness-civil-and-political-rights/article-detail/the-hijab-ban-and-human-rights-of-muslim-women-in-europe.html [9] ‘We Are Treated as Animals’ – French Muslim Women on the Proposed Hijab Ban https://www.vice.com/en/article/france-hijab-ban-french-muslim-women-react/ [10] Burkini ban: Why is France arresting Muslim women for wearing full-body swimwear and why are people so angry? | The Independent https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/burkini-ban-why-is-france-arresting-muslim-women-for-wearing-fullbody-swimwear-and-why-are-people-so-angry-a7207971.html [11] The Tangled Web of Discrimination Faced by Muslim Women - Open Society Foundations https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/voices/tangled-web-discrimination-faced-muslim-women [12] As a French Hijabi, This is What I Think of My Country’s Controversial Hijab Ban ( vogue.me ) https://en.vogue.me/culture/france-hijab-ban-impact/#:~:text=The%20hijab%20is%20only%20allowed%20at%20the%20public,to%20the%20second%20problem%3A%20having%20a%20professional%20career [13] India court upholds Karnataka state’s ban on hijab in class | Islamophobia News | Al Jazeera https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/15/india-court-upholds-karnataka-states-ban-on-hijab-in-class [14] Karnataka: 'Wearing a hijab doesn't make Muslim women oppressed’ https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-60454685 [15] Over 1,000 Muslim girls dropped out of PU colleges in Karnataka during hijab controversy: PUCL report | Bangalore News - The Indian Express https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/bangalore/pucl-releases-report-on-impact-of-hijab-ban-on-muslim-girl-students-in-karnataka-8371485/ [16] One year of Karnataka’s war on Muslim women’s right to learn https://scroll.in/article/1041529/one-year-of-karnatakas-war-on-muslim-womens-right-to-learn

Writer: Vesnyana  Editors: Olivia & Fernanda Pasapera Zegarra ** Translation to be updated soon Listen to the article from here 🎧 Although antisemitism (hatred and discrimination against Jewish people) has a long-standing history spanning centuries, it persists in today’s society primarily evident on social media, in daily life, and in the political realm. In this article, we’re going to look into its origins, how it affects individuals and communities, and its broader implications. Photo by   Levi Meir Clancy  on   Unsplash The rise of antisemitic incidents in the 21st century has prompted us to examine the effectiveness of strategies to combat this phenomenon, considering how it has evolved over time and the implications of this discrimination for our society. Due to people’s tendency to use ‘categorical thinking’  to divide individuals into groups based on specific factors (often in arbitrary ways, such as “in” and “out” groups), society tends to blame and express hatred towards these groups, especially when events are complex and difficult to understand. As a result, antisemitism is passed down to new generations, adapting its expression to align with current issues while the underlying stereotypes and conspiracy theories remain largely unchanged. Let us clarify the definition first: antisemitism is hostility towards or prejudice against Jewish people[1]. It can manifest as hatred, violence, discrimination, and oppression. Incidents of antisemitism can range from anti-Jewish bullying in schools to organized nationalist ideologies and memes promoted by politicians, both in media and in-person. Hence, the youth is particularly at risk of encountering antisemitic content via social media and gaming platforms. By being aware of the consequences of such discriminatory behavior and its forms, we better equip ourselves to identify antisemitism in modern society and react accordingly. Historical background Regrettably, prejudice against the people who practiced Judaism dates back many centuries, as it was the first religion to worship a single God in contrast to polytheistic beliefs that recognized multiple deities. Moreover, early Christians aimed to separate themselves from Judaism to establish a distinct identity and express their stance following conflicts between the authorities of both faiths. Furthermore, there’s a radical approach to antisemitism – radicalized antisemitism [2]   – which is rooted in the false premise that Jews constitute a distinct ‘race’ of people with inherent traits that render them inferior to white, Christian people. This belief had major implications in Spain during the 15th century, where Jews were denied basic civil rights, such as access to universities, taking on public office, and the right to marry non-Jews, among others, regardless of whether they had been forced to convert to Christianity.[3]  What’s more, in the late 19th century – in 1879, to be precise – Wilhelm Matt, a German journalist, coined[4] the term antisemitism  to designate the anti-Jewish campaigns in Central Europe and to rally support against the German government’s decision to grant broader civil rights to Jews. From his perspective, there was a distinct “Semitic race,” referring to a group of languages spoken in parts of East Africa and predominantly in the Middle East. It’s important to note that this is not a legitimate racial category whatsoever. To this day, antisemitism endures, likely because many individuals are swayed by popular culture and lack sufficient education on the topic and its historical context. Over many centuries, without proper analysis, Jews have been unjustly blamed for numerous challenges. Moreover, misleading conspiracy theories perpetuate the idea that they control the government, media, banks – the list[5] goes on – and, what’s worse, that they even are falsely accused of being responsible for spreading diseases, such as COVID-19.[6] Impact of growth of antisemitism on the society The consequences of antisemitism today are prominent. First and foremost, it impacts individuals’ physiological well-being. Imagine witnessing various incidents of harassment, violence, and physical assaults targeted at your community and fearing that one day you might find yourself in that situation. Imagine losing someone close to you due to such violent acts of discrimination and feeling too afraid to report due to a lack of trust in local authorities.  Antisemitism’s prevalence and growth lead to increased anxiety and higher levels of stress in daily life, especially for young Jews who face antisemitism in school settings. Importantly, the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) reported in a research conducted prior to 2023 that 37% of European Jews experienced some form of antisemitic harassment in the five previous years.[7].  Secondly, it contradicts the growth of another trend for multiculturalism and hinders societal progress regarding fundamental human rights which state the equality of all individuals. Amid current geopolitical tensions, such as the Israel-Palestine conflict, the number of hate crimes against Jews (and Muslims as well) has increased compared to previous years.[7][8] Thirdly, factors contributing to the ongoing distribution of antisemitic information include the accessibility of social media and digital platforms, where around 80% of such content gets published without moderation. The lack of supervision allows hate speech to proliferate uncensored and enables algorithms to deliver users similar discriminatory content based on engagement metrics. Alongside this, the rise of populism in various regions has led to populist leaders using rhetoric that targets minorities. Such a situation negatively impacts the normalization of hateful rhetoric and highlights the urgent need for greater moderation of discriminatory content, including conspiracy theories. Message from Rights and Minds Addressing the growth of antisemitism requires an approach to foster equality and inclusion for all communities, especially those historically affected by discrimination.  And what could each of us do, above all? Two words. Spread Awareness . Indeed, as we have emphasized already, irrational stereotypes are the main drivers of any sort of discrimination. Therefore, prioritize educating yourself and those around you to ensure solidarity among individuals from various backgrounds and communities.  Note: At Rights and Minds, we contacted our writers in Israel to gather their insights on the alarming rise of antisemitism. This is what one of our writers has to say: "Antisemitic attacks are rising at nearly every university, the echoes of hate can be heard. Students are being attacked based on their religion.[...] it’s a reality that many Jewish students confront every day. Nazi symbols and extremist groups are allowed to thrive under the guise of ‘free speech,’ creating a toxic atmosphere. When is enough enough? ". *** Sources: [1] https://www.oxfordreference.com/display [2] https://home-affairs.ec.europa.eu/system/files/2022-07/ran_cn_antisemitism_29-30032022_en.pdf [3] https://www.spainthenandnow.com/spanish-history/jews-in-early-15th-century-spain [4] https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wilhelm-Marr [5] https://www.ajc.org/translatehate/control [6] https://www.ajc.org/news/global-trends-in-conspiracy-theories-linking-jews-with-coronavirus [7] https://www.npr.org/ [8] https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/pr-2024-antisemitism_en.pdf [9] https://www.theguardian.com/news/2023/oct/20/antisemitic-hate-crimes

Writer: Amina Mehmood  To be noted: This piece was produced by a student-led team.  We are HS and pre-university students who have a keen interest in global affairs. While we are not professional analysts, our work is grounded in careful research, critical questioning, and collective insight. We don’t claim to have all the answers, but we aim to ask necessary questions and invite our peers across different backgrounds into deeper thinking. We welcome constructive feedback via email! Listen to the article from here 🎧 translation/ tafsir/ traducciones /ترجمة /תרגומים/ការបកប្រែ /তরজমা /अनुवाद... Welcome to the second article of our mini-series , Women’s Rights Of Yesterday And Today. This series, written by Amina, explores the global rights of women, from how they dress to how control over their bodies is often placed in the hands of others. Women's autonomy is a constant conflict between individual preference and governmental authority in many regions of the world. One of the most striking examples of this tension can be seen in Iran, where the mandatory hijab law has become a symbol of the broader debate over freedom and social obligation. Iranian law has required women to wear the headscarf in public since 1979, regardless of their personal preferences. This enforced conformity goes beyond fabric; it symbolizes a broader system of oppression where the government dictates how women should live, speak, and exist!  Meaning of Hijab:  Hijab is an Arabic word that means barrier/partition. Islamically, there is a broader meaning. It is believed to be a principle of modesty and includes behaviour as well as the attire for males and females. The most visible form of hijab is a scarf that covers the head and neck that many women of different religions wear.  Photo by   Javad Esmaeili  on   Unsplash Pakistani travelers in Qom, Iran. This photo is not directly related to the article's topic. Historical Timeline of Hijab Policies and Women's Rights in Iran Pre-Revolution Era In 1936 , Reza Shah Pahlavi issued a mandate known as Kashf-e Hijab , banning all types of veils, including the hijab, as part of a broader modernization campaign. The police forcibly removed the hijabs of many women, sparking outrage in conservative communities. The Kashf-e Hijab  policy was abolished five years later. However, for some time, wearing the hijab was associated with backwardness. Unveiled women were often seen as belonging to the educated and professional upper or middle class, while veiled women were perceived as coming from traditional religious backgrounds with little education [1] . Iranian Revolution and Mandatory Hijab In 1979 , Iran’s new government imposed a mandatory public dress code for all women, requiring them to wear the hijab. This law, implemented by Ayatollah Khomeini, the country's first Supreme Leader, mandates that women must cover their hair and wear loose-fitting clothing. An improper hijab is defined as exposing any part of the body below the neck and above the ankles.  [2]. 2005: The Morality Police In 2005 , the Iranian government reinforced the Gasht-e Ershad (Guidance Patrol), commonly known as the morality police. Their primary duty is to monitor public attire and behavior, ensuring compliance with the dress code. This includes inspecting women’s hijabs, stopping individuals in public for questioning, detaining those deemed non-compliant, issuing fines, and conducting so-called ‘re-education’ sessions. The morality police have become notorious for their aggressive enforcement tactics, often using verbal and physical abuse to maintain control  [3] . 2022: Protests and Growing Resistance Over the years, the state’s strict enforcement of hijab laws has fueled growing resentment. However, the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022 –after being detained by the morality police caused a widespread protest movement and brought international attention to the issue. Demonstrations erupted across Iran, highlighting broader demands for women's rights and greater personal freedoms  [4]. Disclaimer: The text above provides a brief overview of the history of hijab policies in Iran. We encourage further research to gain a deeper understanding of the historical context and the ongoing struggles surrounding this issue. Women in Iran and the Price of Noncompliance In Iran, a woman’s right to exist in public spaces is dictated by a piece of fabric—the hijab. Without it, women are denied entry to government buildings, courtrooms, schools, and universities [5]. A woman without a hijab may also be refused access to buses, metros, and even flights. Employment, both in the public and private sectors, is off-limits. Women who disobey the hijab laws face escalating fines and penalties. A first offense can result in a fine between 6 and 24 million Iranian rials. A second offense increases the fine to 24–50 million rials, and repeated violations can lead to fines of up to 100 million rials. If a woman is caught multiple times, she may also face a travel ban of up to two years or even imprisonment. Foreigners who violate the dress code risk being denied residency or having their passports confiscated [6]. But the Iranian regime does not rely on fines alone. Advanced surveillance systems, including AI-driven facial recognition, track women both in public and private spaces. Authorities monitor online conversations, flag individuals for interrogation or arrest, and use automated technology to detect and remove any content deemed ‘non-compliant’ [7]. A Name That Became a Revolution: Mahsa Amini Talking about Iran and the forced hijab would be incomplete without mentioning Mahsa Amini. An innocent young woman, who endured cruelty, all in the name of "God" and "proper clothing." Her life was stolen, not for a crime, but for a strand of hair out of place.  Mahsa Amini, 22 years old, was arrested in the streets of Tehran for allegedly wearing her headscarf improperly. She was beaten, dragged into custody, and sent to a so-called “reform” center, a place designed to break women into submission. But instead of reformation, Mahsa endured brutal violence. Within hours, she fell into a coma. Days later, she was dead [8] . Yet, instead of being silenced by fear, Iranian women took to the streets, risking everything to demand freedom. They burned their hijabs, cut their hair, and faced armed forces with nothing but their voices and will.  Faith or Force?  For many Muslim women, the hijab is a deeply personal expression of faith. But faith cannot be dictated, it must be chosen. Even women who voluntarily wear the hijab in Iran recognize that when the state enforces it, it stops being an act of devotion. Instead, it becomes a symbol of control. Regardless of the era, the hijab in Iran has been more than just a dress code, it has been a tool of control. It tells a story of repression, not faith. Under the Pahlavi dynasty, veiling was banned in an attempt to impose Westernization, leading many women to wear the hijab in retaliation of forced modernity. Decades later, under the Islamic Republic, the situation reversed. Mandatory veiling became a symbol of state control, and removing it grew into an act of rebellion.  This cycle of repression and control over women's bodies raises an important question:  Can faith ever flourish if it is imposed by force? Notes From R&M: The mandatory hijab law in Iran was meant to enforce cultural and religious values, but instead, it has created nationwide resistance and demands for personal freedom. After Mahsa Amini’s death, Iranian women risked detention, abuse, and even death by taking to the streets in protest. The fight for personal freedom continues through movements like the White Wednesday  campaign [9], where women wear white scarves and show support on social media.  Although reports suggest that the morality police have been discontinued, enforcement of dress codes and restrictions on women’s freedoms remain in place through other means. [10] REFERENCE:  [1] Eighty Five Years On, The Shah’s Ban On Hijab Still Divides | Iran International [2] Iranian women - before and after the Islamic Revolution [3] What to Know About Iran's Morality Police | TIME [4] Mahsa Amini: Woman dies after arrest by Iran’s morality police | Women News | Al Jazeera [5] Women This Week: Iran Bans Women Without Hijabs from Education and Health Services | Council on Foreign Relations . [6] Iran: New Hijab Law Adds Restrictions and Punishments | Human Rights Watch [7] Iran Says Face Recognition Will ID Women Breaking Hijab Laws | WIRED [8] What happened to Mahsa/Zhina Amini? - Amnesty International [9] Why Iranian women are wearing white on Wednesdays [10] Why Iranian women are burning their hijabs after the death of Mahsa Amini

Writer: Vesnyana Stecko **No translation available. “What we are doing to the forests of the world is but a mirror reflection of what we are doing to ourselves and to one another.”            — Mahatma Gandhi Palm oil has become the world’s most widely used vegetable oil, found in everything from food to cosmetics to biofuels. Although sustainable production of the oil is possible, the rising consumption and growing demand increases the risk of deforestation of tropical rainforests to make way for plantations. The destruction threatens biodiversity while also releasing significant greenhouse gas emissions that contribute to climate change. Indonesian Rainforests — Rainforest Action Network. Photo: David Gilbert The role of palm oil in the global market Palm oil, being a widely attractive ingredient due to its characteristics: texture, taste, consistency, and its affordability, is found in approximately half of all supermarket products. Some of the most common examples for palm oil implication include biofuels, shampoo, body lotion, and packaged foods. On a global scale, it meets a significant portion of all vegetable oil demands, at the same time requiring a relatively small percentage of land dedicated to producing vegetable oils, as reported by the International Institute for Sustainable Development. The palm oil sector has experienced significant growth in recent years, with its market value exceeding USD 50 billion in 2021 [1]. With a projected compound annual growth rate of around four percent, reports from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations further emphasize the increasing production of palm oil. Economic impact of Indonesia’s palm oil trade One of Indonesia's biggest exports, palm oil is in massive demand by leading purchasers China, India, and the EU. But the Indonesian government has promoted increased domestic use over the past few years, especially for biodiesel production. This had the result of leaving less palm oil available for people to use for cooking, driving prices higher in 2021 and 2022. To assist in managing the crisis, the government placed export bans and taxes to maintain supplies stable. However, the industry has much broader impacts beyond economics. The supply chains exporting to China, India, and Indonesia are associated with far higher deforestation rates than those supplying to the EU. As a result, these three countries are responsible for most of the deforestation linked to Indonesian palm oil. Meanwhile, Western markets, including the US, EU, and UK, mainly source from companies that have pledged to avoid deforestation, but their overall share of Indonesian palm oil exports remains small. Fig 2 . PBC News. Photo: Xander Landen Environmental costs "Destroying rainforest for economic gain is like burning a Renaissance painting to cook a meal." [Short-term gain should not cost our planet a future.] — E.O. Wilson, biologist and conservationist Large areas of land are cleared of their natural cover to set up palm oil plantations, typically by cutting down dense tropical forests. The forests contain rich and diverse plant and animal life, much of which is unique to these forests. The destruction of forests therefore leads to ecosystem breakdown and irreversible habitat loss. About 300 football fields of forest are cleared per hour for plantations , leading to endangered species being closer and closer to extinction. Palm oil accounts for 2.3% of global deforestation, according to the European Commission [2]. Indonesia, however, has one of the highest deforestation rates in the world [3]. How much more are we willing to lose? The deforestation of natural forests not only ruins vital ecosystems but also emits vast amounts of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, which subsequently leads to climate change [4]. Indonesia is now among the largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world, alongside the United States and China. A significant proportion of palm oil emissions result from fires on drained peatlands, one of the most carbon-dense ecosystems on earth. Drained peatlands are highly flammable, and therefore they are responsible for the majority of emissions. While emissions have remained relatively steady over the years, extreme weather events have triggered dangerous spikes. The challenge ahead lies in finding a balance between economic growth and environmental preservation. Human health costs Communities throughout Indonesia and its neighboring countries have suffered greatly for nearly forty years due to the poisonous smoke and air pollution caused by the yearly burning of peatlands and forests. Millions of people in Southeast Asia were impacted by the fires in 2015, which were one of the worst environmental catastrophes in recent memory. Up to 100,000 premature deaths are thought to have been caused by the smoke from these fires, according to researchers from Columbia and Harvard Universities [5]. Growing jobs, growing impact Employment and poverty reduction are one of the reasons there has been such a rapid growth of the industry and therefore extensive deforestation. Indonesia and Malaysia, being the largest producers of the oil globally, directly employ almost five million workers and another six million indirectly, many in rural areas with very few job opportunities [6]. Sustainable palm oil planting also plays a key role in reducing poverty and improving rural infrastructure in producing countries, since, as a consequence, the profit funds schools, healthcare, and other community developments. Company and government commitments and transparency Many companies are setting more ambitious “zero-deforestation” targets and No Deforestation, Peat, and Exploitation policies and are already working with the government to prevent deforestation and ensure transparency in their supply chains. Together, these processes have brought the industry closer to accountability. Furthermore, government intervention has supported these efforts. Indonesia has implemented national certification schemes and placed moratoriums on the expansion of palm oil plantations in forests and peatlands, restricting environmentally harmful growth. Similarly, importing nations (predominantly in the European Union) have enacted legislation prohibiting any imports related to desertification issues. Programs, such as the Terpercaya Initiative and NI-SCOPS, promote cooperation with policymakers, corporations, civil society, and other major actors to promote sustainability in the industry. In order to ensure that the most progress is achieved, such initiatives, policies, and accountability programs should be implemented and consistently monitored to maintain a balance between economic development and environmental protection. The promising results, in fact, suggest that conservation efforts may be starting to have an impact. After two years of increase in palm oil deforestation in Indonesia, the forest loss has declined in the course of the last two years. The rate of plantation growth slowed down compared to the previous year, as reported by Nusantara Atlas’s satellite analysis. This reduction also led to a decrease in the conversion of old-growth forests into plantations. Sustainable alternatives and solutions Redirecting financial resources toward forest conservation, improvement in smallholder agricultural practices, and rehabilitation of degraded land have the potential to contribute to achieving both environmental sustainability and economic stability. The 2016 United Nations Environment Programme Report, suggests several measures to promote responsible palm oil production: tax breaks and government-backed loan availability should be limited to businesses and farmers who meet specific sustainability guidelines, such as the Indonesian Sustainable Palm Oil (ISPO) certification frameworks and the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) [7]. In addition, local authorities may receive financial rewards for taking an active role in preserving forests so that conservation is adequately financed. Tax legislation must also be restructured so that revenues from palm oil fairly contribute to the public funds. Strengthening land rights of small farmers and providing them with low-interest loans is another important step [8]. It would allow them to use environmentally friendly farming practices and improve their economic security. Saving the world’s forests is a global challenge and responsibility. In order to make more progress in the pursuit of deforestation-free production, stakeholders in the palm oil value chain have to further intensify their cooperation. So far, it’s great to see that the desire for conservation and the willingness to decrease deforestation is shared globally amongst companies, governments, NGOs, and other stakeholders. A potential solution? Collaboration of involved parties in making sustainable palm oil  value chains a reality. As Timer Manurung from Auriga Nusantara said, “the slow-down in expansion offers a chance for the Indonesian government and other stakeholders to work together to improve planning and management of oil palm and other plantations. Encouraging good practices and transparency will serve future generations.” [9] Sources: [1] - Voora, V., Bermúdez, S., Farrell, J. J., Larrea, C., & Luna, E. (2023). Palm oil prices and sustainability .  https://www.iisd.org/system/files/2023-06/2023-global-market-report-palm-oil.pdf [2] - Deforestation & Palm oil - Sustainable palm oil choice . (2024, July 18). Sustainable Palm Oil Choice. https://www.sustainablepalmoilchoice.eu/deforestation-palm-oil/#:~:text=When%20looking%20at%20global%20deforestation,rubber%20(The%20European%20Commission) . [3] - Vizzuality. (n.d.). Global Deforestation Rates & Statistics by Country | GFW . https://www.globalforestwatch.org/dashboards/global/?category=forest-change [4] - Coca, N. (2018, December 6). The most important country for the global climate no one is talking about. Vox . https://www.vox.com/energy-and-environment/2018/12/5/18126145/indonesia-climate-change-deforestation [5] - Smoke from 2015 Indonesian fires may have caused 100,000 premature deaths . (2016, September 19). https://seas.harvard.edu/news/2016/09/smoke-2015-indonesian-fires-may-have-caused-100000-premature-deaths [6] - State of Sustainability Initiatives. (2024, March 20). Palm oil coverage | State of Sustainability Initiatives . https://www.iisd.org/ssi/commodities/palm-oil-coverage/ [7] - Kissinger, G., United Nations Environment Programme, Nur Masripatin, Pungky Widiaryanto, . . . Estelle Fach. (2016). Fiscal incentives for Indonesian palm oil production: Pathways for alignment with green growth . https://www.un-redd.org/sites/default/files/2021-09/INDONESIA%20FISCAL%20POLICIES%20OIL%20PALM%20V6%20WEB.pdf [8] - Salazar, M. A. (2016, November 23). Small-scale farming threatens rainforests in Sumatra . Mongabay Environmental News. https://news.mongabay.com/2016/11/small-scale-farming-threatens-rainforests-in-sumatra/ [9] - Nusantara Atlas | Indonesian deforestation and plantation expansion slow . (2022, March 29). Nusantara Atlas. https://nusantara-atlas.org/indonesian-deforestation-and-plantation-expansion-slow/